Single Party
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Political party, a group of persons organized to acquire and exercise political power. Political parties originated in their modern form in Europe and the in the 19th century, along with the electoral andwhose development reflects the evolution of parties. The term party has since come to be applied to all organized groups seeking political power, whether by democratic elections or by revolution. In earlier, prerevolutionary, and regimes, the political process unfolded within restricted circles in which cliques and factions, grouped around particular noblemen or influential personalities, were opposed to one another. The establishment of parliamentary regimes and the appearance of parties at first scarcely changed this situation. To cliques formed around princes, dukes, counts, or marquesses there were added cliques formed around bankers, merchants, industrialists, and businessmen. Regimes supported by nobles were succeeded by regimes supported by other elites. These narrowly based parties were later transformed to a greater or lesser extent, for in the 19th century in Europe and America there emerged parties depending on mass support. The 20th century saw the spread of political parties throughout the entire world. In developing countries, large modern political parties have sometimes been based on traditional relationships, such as ethnic, tribal, or religious affiliations. Moreover, many political parties in developing countries are partly political, partly military. Certain and parties in Europe earlier experienced the same tendencies. These last-mentioned European parties demonstrated an equal aptitude for functioning within multiparty and as the sole political party in a dictatorship. Developing originally single party the framework of liberal in the 19th century, political parties have been used since the 20th century by for entirely undemocratic purposes. Types of political party A fundamental distinction can be made between cadre parties and mass-based parties. The two forms coexist in many countries, particularly in western Europe, where communist and socialist parties have emerged alongside the older and parties. Many parties do not fall exactly into either category but combine some characteristics of both. Except in some of the states of the United States, France from 1848, and the from 1871, the was largely restricted to taxpayers and property owners, and, even when the right to vote was given to larger numbers of people, political influence was essentially limited to a very small segment of the population. The mass of people were limited to the role of spectators rather than that of active participants. The cadre parties of the 19th century reflected a fundamental conflict between two single party the on the one hand and the on the other. The former, composed of landowners, depended upon rural estates on which a generally unlettered peasantry was held back by a traditionalist clergy. Themade up of industrialists, merchants, tradesmen, bankers, financiers, and professional people, depended upon the lower classes of clerks and industrial workers in the cities. Both and bourgeoisie evolved its own. Bourgeois liberal developed first, originating at the time of the of the 17th century in the writings ofan English philosopher. It was then developed by French philosophers of the 18th century. In its clamouring for formal legal equality and acceptance of the inequities of circumstance, liberal ideology reflected the interests of the bourgeoisie, who wished to destroy the privileges of the aristocracy and eliminate the lingering economic restraints of and. But, insofar as it set forth an egalitarian ideal and a demand for liberty, bourgeois classical expressed common to all people. For a considerable period, however, conservative did maintain a considerable impact among the people, since it was presented as the expression of the will of God. In countries, in which religion was based upon a hierarchically structured and clergy, the conservative parties were often the clerical parties, as in France, Italy, and Belgium. Conservative and liberal cadre parties dominated European politics in the 19th century. Developing during a period of great social and economic upheaval, they exercised power largely through electoral and parliamentary activity. Once in power, their leaders used the power of the army or of the police; the party itself was not generally organized for violent activity. Its local units were charged with assuring and financial backing to candidates at time, as well as with maintaining continual contact between elected officials and the electorate. The national organization endeavoured to unify the party members who had been elected to the assemblies. In general, the local committees maintained a basic and each legislator a large measure of independence. The party in voting established by the British parties—which were older because of the fact that the British was long established—was imitated on single party Continent hardly at all. The first political parties of the 19th century were not particularly different from European cadre parties, except that their confrontations were less violent and based less on ideology. Such single party interpretation is, of course, simplified. There were some aristocrats in the South and, in particular, an aristocratic spirit based on the institutions of slaveholding and paternalistic ownership of land. In this sense, the 1861—65 could be considered as a second phase of violent conflict between the and the liberals. Nevertheless, the United States was from the beginning an essentially bourgeois civilization, based on a deep sense of equality and of individual freedom. In terms of party structure, U. The ties of a local committee to a national organization were even weaker than in Europe. At the state level there was some effective coordination of local party organizations, but at the national level such coordination did not exist. A more original structure was developed after the Civil War—in the South to exploit the votes of African Americans and along the East Coast to control the votes of immigrants. The extreme decentralization in the United States enabled a party to establish a local quasi-dictatorship in a city or county by capturing all of the key posts in an election. Not only the position of mayor but also the police, finances, and the courts came under the control of the party machine, and the machine was thus a development of the original cadre parties. The local party committee came typically to be composed of adventurers or gangsters who wanted to control the distribution of wealth and to ensure the continuation of their control. These men were themselves controlled by the power of the boss, the leader who controlled the machine at the city, county, or state levels. At the direction of the committee, each was carefully divided, and every precinct was watched closely by an agent of the party, the captain, who was responsible for securing votes for the party. Various rewards were offered to voters in return for the promise of their votes. Operating single party this manner, a party could frequently guarantee a majority in an election to the candidates single party its choosing, and, once it was in control of local government, of the police, the courts, and public finances, etc. The degeneration of the party mechanism was not without benefits. The European immigrant who arrived in the United States lost and isolated in a huge and different world might find work and lodging in return for his commitment to the party. In a system of almost pure and at a time when social services were practically nonexistent, machines and bosses took upon themselves responsibilities single party were indispensable to life. But single party moral and material cost of such a system was very high, and the machine was often purely exploitative, performing no services to the community. By the end of the 19th century the excesses of the machines and the bosses and the closed character of the parties led to the development ofin which party nominees for office were selected. The primary movement deprived party leaders of the right to dictate candidates for election. A majority of the states adopted the primary system in one form or another between 1900 and 1920. The aim of the system was to make the parties more democratic by opening them up to the general public in the hope of counterbalancing the influence of the party committees. In practice, the aim was not realized, for the committees retained the upper hand in the selection of candidates for the primaries. In its original form the British a new type of cadre party, forming an intermediate link with the mass-based parties. It was formed with the support of and left-wing. single party At the base, each local organization sent representatives to a district labour committee, which was in turn represented at the national congress. The early pre-1918 Labour Party was thus structured of many local and regional organizations. It was not possible to join the party directly; membership came only through an body, such as a. It thus represented a new type of party, depending not upon highly political individuals brought together as a result of their desire to acquire and wield power but upon the organized representatives single party a broader interest—the working class. After 1918 the Labour Party developed a policy of direct membership on the model of the Continental socialist parties, individual members being permitted to join local constituency branches. The majority of its membership, however, continued to be affiliated rather than direct for most of the 20th century. At the 1987 annual conference, a cap on the proportion of union delegates was set at 50 percent. Mass-based parties Cadre parties normally organize a relatively small number of party adherents. Mass-based parties, on the other hand, unite hundreds of thousands of followers, sometimes millions. But the number of members is not single party only of a mass-based party. The essential factor is that such a party attempts to base itself on an appeal to the masses. It attempts to organize not only those who are influential or well known or those who represent special interest groups but rather any citizen who is willing to join the party. If such a party succeeds in gathering only a few adherents, then it is mass based only in potential. It remains, nevertheless, different from the cadre-type parties. At the end of the 19th century the socialist parties of continental Europe organized themselves on a mass basis in order to educate and organize the growing population of labourers and wage earners—who were becoming more important politically because of extensions of the suffrage—and to gather the money necessary for by mobilizing in a regular fashion the resources of those who, although poor, were numerous. Membership campaigns were conducted, and each member paid party dues. If its members became sufficiently numerous, the party emerged as a powerful organization, managing large funds and diffusing its ideas among an important segment of the population. Such was the case with thewhich by 1913 had more than one million members. Such organizations were necessarily rigidly structured. The party required an exact registration of membership, treasurers to collect dues, secretaries to call and lead local meetings, and a hierarchical framework for the coordination of the thousands of local sections. A tradition of action and group discipline, more developed among workers as a result of their participation in strikes and other union activity, favoured the development and centralization of party organization. A complex party organization tends to give a great deal of single party to those who have responsibility at various levels in theresulting in certain oligarchical tendencies. The socialist parties made an effort to control this tendency by developing democratic procedures in the choice of leaders. At every level those in responsible positions were elected by members of the single party. Every local party group would elect delegates to regional and national congresses, at which party candidates and party leaders would be chosen and party policy decided. single party The type of mass-based party described above was imitated by many nonsocialist parties. Some cadre-type parties in Europe, both conservative and liberal, attempted to transform themselves along similar lines. The Christian Democratic parties often developed organizations copied even more directly from the mass-based model. But nonsocialist parties were generally less successful in establishing rigid and organizations. The first were splinter groups of existing socialist parties and at first adopted the organization of these parties. After 1924, as a result of a decision of the the Third International, or federation of working-class partiesall communist parties were transformed along the lines of the Soviet model, becoming mass single party based on the membership of the largest possible number of citizens, although membership was limited to those who embraced and espoused the ideology of. The communist parties developed a new structural organization: whereas the local committees of cadre and socialist parties focused their organizing efforts and drew their support from a particular geographical area, communist groups formed their cells in the places of work. The workplace cell was the first original element in organization. It grouped together all party members who depended upon the same firm, workshop, or store or the same professional school or university, for example. Party members thus tended to be tightly organized, their solidarity, resulting from a common occupation, being stronger than that based upon residence. The workplace proved to be effective, and other parties tried to imitate it, generally without success. Such an organization led each cell to concern itself with problems of a corporate and professional nature rather than with those of a more political nature. These basic groups, however—smaller and, therefore, more numerous than the socialist sections—tended to go their separate way. It was necessary to have a very strong party structure and for party leaders to have extensive authority if the groups were to resist such centrifugal pressure. This resulted in a second distinctive characteristic of the communist parties: a high degree of centralization. Although all mass-based parties tend to be centralized, communist parties were more so than others. There was, in principle, free discussion, which was supposedly developed at every level before a decision was made, but afterward all had to adhere to the decision single party had been made by the central body see. The splintering that has from time to time divided or paralyzed the socialist parties was forbidden in communist parties, which generally succeeded in maintaining their unity. A further distinctive characteristic of communist parties was the importance given to ideology. All parties had a doctrine or at least a platform. The European socialist parties, which were doctrinaire before 1914 and between the two World Wars, later became morenot to say opportunistic. But in communist parties, ideology occupied a much more fundamental place, a primary concern of the party being to indoctrinate its members with. Their teaching was authoritarian and elitist. They thought that societies should be directed by the most talented and capable people—by an elite. The party leadership, grouped under the absolute authority of a supreme head, constituted such an elite. Party structure had as its goal the of the obedience of the elite. single party This structure resembled that of armies, which are also organized in such a way as to ensure, by means of rigorous discipline, the obedience of a large number of individuals to an elite leadership. The party structure, therefore, made use of a military-type organization, consisting of a pyramid made up of units that at the base were very tiny but that, when joined with other units, formed groups that got larger and larger. Uniforms, ranks, orders, salutes, marches, and unquestioning obedience were all aspects of fascist parties. This similarity rests upon another factor—namely, that fascist doctrine taught that power must be seized by organized minorities making use of force. The party thus made use of a militia intended to assure victory in the struggle for control over the unorganized masses. Large parties built upon the fascist model developed between the two wars in Italy andwhere they actually came to power. Fascist parties also appeared in most other countries of western Europe during this period but were unable to achieve power. The less-developed countries of eastern Europe and were equally infected by the movement. The victory of the Allies in 1945, as well as the revelation of the horrors oftemporarily stopped the growth of the fascists and provoked their decline. In the decades after the war, however, neofascist political parties single party movements, which had much in common with their fascist forebears, arose in several European countries, though by single party early 21st century none had come to power.
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Now that the purpose which should be done has been determined, does it make any difference in which party implements it? §2511 and the defendants right to privacy. To cliques formed around princes, dukes, counts, or marquesses there were added cliques formed around bankers, merchants, industrialists, and businessmen. Other good ideas are miniature quiches, endive or , smoked salmon or caviar on toasts, crostini, chicken skewers, cut-up fruit and vegetables, and sweet and savory tarts. Such organizations were necessarily rigidly structured. Start getting the word out about your single party via sites like or with. Not only the position of mayor but also the police, finances, and the courts came under the control of the party machine, and the machine was thus a development of the original cadre parties. Have all singles come dressed in their best hippy attire from bell bottoms and platform shoes to maxi dresses and leisure suits. Invite more people than you think will come and encourage them to bring their single friends.
